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- <text id=94TT1390>
- <title>
- Oct. 10, 1994: Essay:To the Rescue of Ingrates
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Oct. 10, 1994 Black Renaissance
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- ESSAY, Page 94
- To the Rescue of Ingrates
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>By Charles Krauthammer
- </p>
- <p> Asked if he felt indebted to Russia for helping crush the
- Hungarian uprising in 1848, Austria's Prince Schwarzenberg
- replied, "Austria will astound the world with the magnitude of
- her ingratitude." So will Haiti.
- </p>
- <p> The first headlines from Haiti has boisterous, almost
- frenetic crowds joyfully welcoming Americans troops. Alas, we
- were also received with joy in Somalia. Why, even the Isralis
- were showered with flowers (by locals glad to be rid of the
- P.L.O.) when they invaded Lebanon in 1982. Three years later,
- they withdrew under a hail of bullets and bombs.
- </p>
- <p> Initial shows of gratitude by the occupied are the norm.
- After all, they have often been liberated from something worse.
- And even if not, when men with guns and tanks arrive. it is a
- good idea to show a friendly face. It does not take long,
- however, for that face to turn.
- </p>
- <p> It took a year for Somalia to turn, and in Somalia, we
- were there only to feed. It will take less than that in Haiti,
- where we have gone to rule. Ruling creates enemies. We are now
- the colonial power in Haiti, and Haiti will not long take
- kindly to its assigned role as white man's burden.
- </p>
- <p> Haiti's President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is already tired
- of it. He put his irritation with his benefactors on full
- display even before all U.S. troops had gone ashore. For three
- full days after the Carter agreement, he uttered not a word of
- thanks to America for the 20,000 troops on whose backs he will
- ride to the presidential palace in Port-au-Prince.
- </p>
- <p> A thank you was eventually squeezed out of him, but it
- was not easy. It took importuning from the President of the
- U.S., a high-level meeting with nearly every big shot on
- Clinton's foreign-policy team, capped by a 21-gun salute on
- the Pentagon grounds. Thus flattered, His Excellency deigned
- to say a merci. The Clinton people sighed with relief.
- </p>
- <p> The groveling was necessary. Haiti policy was being
- savaged by a Congress outraged at Aristide's sullen
- ingratitude. But it is the very craving for gratitude that
- betrays the emptiness of this adventure. A foreign policy
- carried out in a country's own national interest will justify
- itself. Gratitude is nice--we apreciate the appreciation of
- the Grenadians, Panamanians and Kuwaitis--but it is a bonus.
- For a foreign policy carried out in pursuit of no discernible
- national interest, however, gratitude is essential. It is,
- after all, the only reward.
- </p>
- <p> America fled Somalia after 18 Army Rangers died because
- the cost of the operation became apparent. But there was a
- more visceral reaction propelling our retreat; a sense of
- betrayal. Here we are doing this for the Somalis, for no
- benefit to ourselves, and this is how they repay us! To hell
- with the ingrates.
- </p>
- <p> Ingratitude is fatal to a foreign policy of selflessness.
- And selfless intervention, unmoored from any conception of
- national interest, defines Clinton foreign policy. For George
- Bush, author of our first purely humanitarian intervention,
- Somalia was no afterthought. For Clinton it is the model. In
- Somalia he inflated the misson from feeding the starving to
- nation building, until driven out by public opinion. In
- Bosnia only last month, a U.N. bureaucrat was able to call
- in U.S. warplanes to strike at Serbs to avenge French
- peacekeepers wounded by Serb gunmen bent on fighting Muslims.
- What this has to do with us Clinton has yet to explain. And
- now Haiti.
- </p>
- <p> The problem with altruism as the prime mover of foreign
- policy is that altruism is a sentiment, not a strategy. And
- to paraphrase Lord Palmerston, America has no permanent
- sentiments, only permanent interests. The Emir of Kuwait,
- living high on the hog in Saudi Arabia waiting to be returned
- to his palace by American troops, was no more worthy or
- sympathetic a figure than Jean-Bertrand Aristide. But it did
- not matter much. America had more than altruistic reasons for
- going into Kuwait. Real, tangible, important things were at
- stake: oil, nuclear weapons, the future of the Middle East.
- </p>
- <p> In Haiti nothing of the kind is at stake, which is why
- President Clinton staked so much on the inhumanity of the
- Cedras regime in justifying the invasion that never came.
- And which is why Clinton was so sseverly undercut by the
- deal that gave moral ligitimacy to the men whose immorality
- and illegitimacy was the whole basis of the operation in the
- first place.
- </p>
- <p> A foreign policy of sentiment lurches from one good deed
- to another, arbitrarily picking its spots for doing good.
- Rwanda, no; Bosnia, maybe; Somalia, until they start dragging
- G.I.s through the streets; Haiti, if only the ingrate will tip
- his hat.
- </p>
- <p> But will he keep it tipped? Not for long. Aristide is a
- liberation theologian. His people are starved for freedom.
- Neither will long tolerate--let alone express gratitude for--foreign domination. No one does. In 1966 Charles de Gaulle
- ordered American troops--successors of the D-day soldiers who
- had liberated France from Hitler and were now part of NATO--to get out of France. "Do you want us to move American
- cemeteries out of France as well?" asked Secretary of State
- Dean Rusk.
- </p>
- <p> His was a tone of bitter hurt. Hurt is how liberators
- leave. Which is why they must never go ashore in search of
- thanks.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-